The Dalit Movement Within The Feminist Movement

Introduction: The First Waves Of Feminism In The World

The first wave of feminism in the world emerged in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This ideology’s primary focal points of contention were the demands for liberty, equality, and universal suffrage (1). This period is commonly referred to as the Age of Enlightenment. During this era, women initiated a critical examination of the conventional roles and restrictions imposed on them by society, and advocated for expanded entitlements and liberties.
Mary Wollstonecraft, a prominent figure in the initial feminist movement, authored the seminal piece titled ‘A Vindication of the Rights of Woman’ in 1792 (2).  In the text, Wollstonecraft advocated for equal educational opportunities for women, as well as their unrestricted participation in all spheres of society, on par with men (3)

Introduction Origin Of Feminism In India

The portrayal of femininity in Indian narratives has been significantly impacted by the Victorian era(4). The Indian Woman underwent a transformation into a domestic figure, specifically that of a housewife. The new paradigm of educated Indian women who were also domesticated was disseminated by Indian reformers(5).
However, the concept of education held varying meanings for women. The standard of education being imposed upon them was not of a conventional nature. For them, education must come from ‘home’. The source of their acquisition of respectful behaviour, sense of duty, and development of maternal and domestic tendencies became of interest(6).  By this period, the assessment of not just a family’s but also the nation’s status was closely linked to the status of its women. This notion solidified the need and appreciation of a ‘homely and warm woman’.

Juxtaposing Feminism In The Indian Dalits To Feminism With Apartheid In South

AFRICA

The status of Dalit women within the Indian Feminist Movement can be juxtaposed to that of Black women within the Western feminist movement. The reservations and comparative lack of vocalisation exhibited by white feminists can be interpreted as an inference that the task of addressing racism falls exclusively on black feminists, or as a reaffirmation of the former supposition that the goal of achieving an anti-sexist stance inherently encompasses the endeavour of achieving an anti-racist stance (7).

Imagine two boats navigating choppy seas, each battling powerful currents. One, carrying Dalit women in India, grapples with the entrenched storm of the caste system, where their very birthright shackles them to the lowest rung of a rigid social hierarchy. The other, ferrying Black women in Western societies, contends with the legacy of colonialism and systemic racism, waves that continue to buffet their progress towards equality. Though separated by vast oceans, both boats share a perilous reality: the double jeopardy of navigating discrimination based on both gender and their marginalized identities.

For Dalit women in India, the fight for gender equality is further burdened by the crushing weight of caste. Denied basic rights like education, dignified work, and freedom from caste- based violence, their voices are often unheard within the broader Indian feminist movement. Mainstream narratives, while championing women’s rights, can overlook the specificities of caste oppression, leaving Dalit women adrift in a sea of unaddressed needs. The fight for equal pay, for instance, holds little meaning when the very right to work with dignity is constantly under threat.

Across the Atlantic, Black women in Western feminism confront a different storm. Though strides have been made towards legal and social equality, the legacy of colonialism and systemic racism continues to cast long shadows. From persistent inequalities in healthcare and education to the ever-present spectre of police brutality, Black women face a different set of currents that impede their progress. Even within Western feminist movements, challenges arise. Issues of colourism and the tendency to prioritize the experiences of white women can leave Black women feeling unheard and marginalized, their struggles relegated to the
periphery of the broader conversation.

Indian Dalit women have been left on the side-lines in Indian Feminist Studies which focus on the issues and perspectives of upper-class Indian Women. This position is similar to marginalising the voices of Black Women in the western feminist movement where mostly, only the voices and ideas of white/upper class women are taken as a collective view of all, including black women in the west. However, this may not be true since there is an added horizontal discrimination (double discrimination) of race which is not well considered and accounted for.

Forming A Dalit Woman’s Identity: The Need To Talk Differently

During the early 1990s, formal efforts were made to organise Dalit women at both regional and national levels(8). An independent assertion of Dalit women’s identity found its first expression in the formation of National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) at Delhi on August 11, 1995.
Sharmila Rege, in her article “Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of “Difference” and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint Position” poses a very important question- “Why is this different voice of the Dalit women, inaudible in the two major new social movements of the 1970s, namely the Dalit movement and the women’s?” (9)This question emphasises a crucial insight that the struggle and resistance of Dalit Women against injustice has historically been perceived as a distinct movement. The issue of women’s rights has frequently neglected the inclusion of the rights of women belonging to the ‘Dalit’ community. This neglect did not only come from the feminist movement only, where they were a minority, but also from the Dalit Movement against suppression and discrimination from the upper class.

Tackling The Problem Of Brahmanism

During the 1970s and early 1980s, several organisations emerged as a part of the new social movements. These organisations did not merely include Dalit women as a token gesture, but rather accorded them a central place in their revolutionary agenda in various ways. Contrary to this, the Dalit Panther and women’s movement of the era were distinct in their substance, primarily consisting of left party affiliated women’s fronts and newly emerging autonomous women’s groups. The cultural uprising of the 1970s saw a noteworthy involvement from the Dalit Panthers. However, their literature and agenda failed to liberate Dalit women from their stereotypical identities as the ‘mother’ and the ‘oppressed sexual being’ (10).

Upon reflection, it is evident that the women’s organisations affiliated with the left political party amalgamated caste with class, whereas the independent women’s groups amalgamated caste with sisterhood, both of which failed to challenge brahmanism (the belief system of Hinduism adhering to the Vedas) (11).

The issue of Brahmanism within the Dalit Feminist Movement bears resemblance to the issue present in mainstream feminism. However, the former is further complicated by the intersectional discrimination faced by Dalit women, which is based on both their gender and caste. Throughout history, the Brahmanical system has methodically marginalised and subjugated individuals belonging to the Dalit community, with a particular emphasis on the oppression of Dalit women.

The marginalisation and erasure of Dalit women’s voices and experiences is a significant concern as it pertains to brahmanism. The prevalence of Brahmanical norms and values within Dalit feminist spaces can result in the exclusion of Dalit women’s viewpoints and insufficient consideration of the unique obstacles they encounter. This might lead to a restricted emphasis on problems that predominantly impact upper-caste women rather than dealing with the structural problems that affect all women from marginalised areas.

Another problem is the perpetuation of caste-based power imbalances within the Dalit feminist movement. Brahmanical norms and values can lead to the marginalization of Dalit women within feminist spaces and a lack of access to leadership positions and decision- making processes. This can further reinforce the systemic oppression of Dalit women and
perpetuate the erasure of their voices and experiences.

Patriarchal Domination Within Dalits

The aforementioned assertions can be organised into a coherent sequence. It is imperative to recognise that the encounter of patriarchy for Dalit women is distinct and heightened in comparison to that of savarna (upper caste) women. Moreover, Dalit males encounter derogatory remarks pertaining to their masculinity in regards to safeguarding the ‘dignity’ of ‘their’ group, and as a result of the Brahmanical subjugation perpetrated by individuals belonging to higher castes, Dalit men exhibit forceful behaviour and subjugate ‘their’ female counterparts, who are particularly susceptible in the caste-oriented societal framework (12). 

This is a tragic byproduct of the broader caste system’s oppression. Dalit women are not just denied opportunities and social mobility, but are often seen as the weakest link, vulnerable to exploitation and violence.

To address these layered oppressions, theorizing from a Dalit feminist standpoint is imperative. This approach is crucial for a comprehensive feminist philosophy that can effectively address the realities of the Indian subcontinent. Any idea of gender justice bears no meaning if it does not entail justice for all; therefore feminism must take an intersectional approach to also tackle the double discrimination faced by Dalit women.

Understanding The Need For An Intersectional Approach To Feminism

The inadequacy of the conventional feminist view of patriarchy in the Indian context is evident, as it endeavours to diversify patriarchy, yet paradoxically adheres to a unidimensional approach in the feminist endeavour. Given that the category of women is
inherently intertwined with socio-political and cultural contexts, it is imperative to situate it within its intricate relationship to empirical realities. This highlights the need to reconsider the adoption of the concept of feminism. The discourse on feminism in India is largely controlled by savarna women, who tend to ignore the issue of caste. This highlights the need for a feminist ideology that comes from in the Dalit community, as it can provide a more effective solution to the patriarchal oppression of all ‘women’ in India and not just the savarna class.

In order to ensure inclusivity of Dalit women within the feminist movement, an intersectional framework must be adopted that acknowledges the multiple and intersecting forms of oppression that they experience. The recognition of the oppression faced by Dalit women is contingent upon acknowledging that their subjugation is not solely based on their gender, but also on their caste. The intersectionality of these forms of oppression results in a compounded effect. For feminists to ensure inclusivity of Dalit women, it is imperative for feminism to accord priority to their experiences and perspectives. The imperative lies in providing a platform for
Dalit women to voice their own perspectives and have them acknowledged, as opposed to having their encounters interpreted through the lens of upper-caste feminists. The issue at hand necessitates the identification and resolution of the unique obstacles encountered by Dalit women, including but not limited to discrimination based on caste, restricted availability of educational and medical resources, and the potential for violence based on gender.

For a feminism approach that is inclusive of Dalit women, an intersectional perspective is necessary, which should be firmly rooted in the principles of solidarity and coalition-building. This entails acknowledging the interrelatedness of various forms of oppression and striving to confront all manifestations of oppression, rather than solely addressing those that impact women with privilege. The acknowledgement of the diversity among Dalit women is imperative, as their encounters may vary depending on variables such as socioeconomic status, geographic location, and religious affiliation.

Conclusion 

Dalit women are subject to pervasive gender and caste-based discrimination and violence, which is a result of significant disparities in social, economic, and political power dynamics. The confluence of socio-economic vulnerability and political marginalisation, compounded by the prevailing risk factors of gender and caste-based discrimination, heightens the susceptibility of Dalit women to instances of violence, while simultaneously constrainin their capacity to evade such circumstances (13).  The prevalence of violence against Dalit women serves as compelling evidence of the pervasive exploitation and discrimination experienced by these women who occupy a subordinate position in power dynamics within a patriarchal society, as well as against their communities on the basis of caste (14).

The caste system’s institutionalised inequality serves as the foundation for and perpetuates gender inequality in India, resulting in a heightened susceptibility to violence with impunity for marginalised Dalit women. Hence, it is imperative to comprehend the convergence of gender and caste-based prejudice integrated into governmental frameworks to safeguard the preservation and protection of the fundamental rights of Dalit women pertaining to their life and security.

The Declaration of Dalit Women’s Rights 2002 (15) , as articulated by the National Federation of Dalit Women, affirms that Dalit women have a right to life, as well as the freedom from oppression and violence (16). Additionally, they hold the right to the rights of expression, conscience, and autonomy. The empowerment and enjoyment of fundamental rights of Dalit women throughout India is contingent upon the extension of support to this demographic.